Following the return of Hong Kong to Chinese jurisdiction in 1997, there has been concern about the potential marginalization of Hong Kong within China's development. We argue that far from being marginalized, Hong Kong together with the Pearl River Delta is becoming the most dynamic region within China.
Cross-boundary collaboration in environmental protection between Hong Kong and mainland China from the mid-1980s to the transfer of sovereignty in 1997, and during the post-reunification years, is examined. Emphasis is put on the respective roles of governments, the private sector, and non-governmental organization initiatives focused on air quality management, a key to public health.
The importance of Hong Kong's role as fnancier, coach, and physical gateway in the development of container ports and highways in China is diminishing. However, the development of the global supply chain transcends physical boundaries: Hong Kong adapts continuously, and is now taking on bridging and differentiating roles in third-party logistics services.
Social, political, and economic changes in post-industrial Hong Kong brought a less instrumental view of democracy, more skepticism against the neoliberal regime, and more support for post-materialist values. The changing values make the old legitimacy formula obsolete, creating a legitimacy crisis for the undemocratic, business-dominated, and low-interventionist government.
This paper explores how Hong Kong has influenced Chinese politics and governance in the constitutional, political, ideational, and intergovernmental dimensions since 1997. Despite the growing political and economic impact of the Mainland on the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the latter has continued to influence the Mainland, especially southern China.
Hong Kong property developers helped Shanghai become a "global city," revitalizing the city core, hosting multinational corporations, and attracting global talent. They transformed the property sector's standards, urban life, and government revenues. Ironically, Shanghai's challenge to Hong Kong is derived from innovations by the same developers who created Hong Kong's remarkable property market.
Police cooperation includes joint anti-crime campaigns, intelligence sharing, evidence collection, as well as mutual exchanges and training. Mainland police have been impressed by the Hong Kong police's practices of operating in accordance with the Police Order, their use of handbooks, the rotation of offcers, and the services of psychological counseling. Knowledge transfer in policing has take…
Using a multiple-case, inductive study of eight technology collaborations between ten organizations in the global computing and communications industries between 2001 and 2006 this paper examines why some interorganizational relationships produce technological innovations while others do not. Comparisons of more and less innovative collaborations show that high-performing collaborative innovati…
We adopt an interactionist logic to study the determinants of risk taking by chief executive officers (CEOs). We introduce the concept of “capability cues”—contextual signals that decision makers might reasonably interpret as indicators of their current level of overall ability—arguing that positive cues will induce boldness, while negative cues will induce timidity. Then, drawing from prior th…
In this study, we view market identities as interfaces between organizations and their external audiences and examine how the perceived market appeal of organizations can be influenced by the order in which the products or product features that determine their market identities are offered. We theorize that when audiences have different product preferences, organizations may increase their perc…
This study considers the potentially negative consequences for corporate leaders of being subjected to high levels of ingratiation in the form of flattery and opinion conformity from other managers and board members. Chief executive officers (CEOs) who have acquired positions of relatively high social status in the corporate elite tend to be attractive targets of flattery and opinion conformity…
Although the Arab revolts have a long way to go before they can be counted as gains for democracy, they do underline what is perhaps democracy’s greatest source of strength worldwide--its superior legitimacy.
The Arab events of 2011 may have some similarities to the wave of popular upheavals against authoritarianism that swept the Soviet bloc starting in 1989, but the differences are much more fundamental.
Across the Arab world, militaries have played a key role in determining whether revolts against dictatorship succeed or fail. What factors determine how and why “the guys with guns” line up the way they do?
Methods of electing legislatures are fraught with consequences for the shape and quality of democracy, and must balance a number of competing goals. Amid the current political ferment of the Arab world, what kinds of electoral systems are emerging and what will they mean for democratic hopes there?
Saudi Arabia looked for a time in early 2011 as if it too would become swept up in the Arab uprising. Yet it never quite happened--why?
Nigeria’s 2011 presidential election offered its citizens the most competitive and transparent contest in decades, but also the bloodiest.
Despite the presidential victory of Ollanta Humala, Peru’s 2011 elections had some continuities with the 2006 contest. The electorate is dividing along regional and socioeconomic rather than partisan lines.
In a runoff between candidates with dubious democratic credentials, former antisystem outsider Ollanta Humala defeated Keiko Fujimori by attracting votes from the middle class.