Abstract The Chinese Christian Patriotic Education campaign demonstrates that the party-state has adapted itself to the religious politics among various public and private institutional actors, pivotally coordinated by the relatively liberal State Administration for Religious Affairs. Consequentially, religious freedom in China has made slow but significant progress in the past decade.
Abstract Grand mediation (GM) is a new concept raised currently in China that relies on mediation but links various social and governmental resources together aiming at resolving conflict more effectively. This paper examines the mechanism and application of GM. The quadripartite interaction reflects a low degree of judicial power in contrast to a high degree of the rule of politics.
Abstract The Congress Party's victory in India's 2009 general elections led to claims of a re-nationalization of the political party system and to increasing issue-based voting. This article demonstrates that, to the contrary, the fragmentation of India's political party system and the electorate is still increasing and that “ethnic voting” continues to prevail over issue-based voting.
The strain between the U.S. and the ROK is often seen as a result of South Korea's anti-Americanism. However, alliance strain and anti-Americanism have not necessarily changed together. This conceptual disparity calls for the need to specify, rather than assume, causality. We utilize newly collected data from two major Korean dailies to show this need.
China criticized North Korea's nuclear test in 2006, but Beijing refused to condemn Pyongyang's provocations in 2010. When will China punish North Korea's belligerence? The “Dual Threats Model” suggests that China responds only when Pyongyang's activities heighten the possibility of U.S. military response, and as long as Pyongyang remains stable.
This article addresses two areas that have received little attention in discussions about Singapore's Malay dilemma: (1) the numerous and persistent Malay public seminars and conventions calling attention to their plight, and (2) the government's similarly persistent resistance to such calls, seen as inimical to the national interest.
This article examines why although the two Koreas have had many talks and reached many agreements, economic cooperation and exchanges have met setbacks, stalemate, spillback, and not spillover. It also explores why the two Chinas have made a relatively successful case of functionalist cooperation and exchanges but have failed to make economic cooperation spill over into political cooperation in…
This article contends that North Korean familism forms part of a broader trend toward family rule in post-socialist countries. Rather than being an outcast, North Korea has become the norm. The notion of “Red Family” as an ideal type is introduced by demonstrating that the selectorate of socialist societies is gradually transforming into a ruling caste. The adoption of the “Red Family” as a mod…
This paper examines the configuration of non-governmental organization (NGO) networks based on their ideological position. By utilizing social network analysis, this study observes the inter-organizational networks of the South Korean unification NGOs, and further examines the reflections of the ideological splits in online space and offline realities.
This study utilized sociological perspectives to explain the relationships between institutional arrangements (government’s role, social dimensions of indigenous business organizations, and consumption culture) and non-tariff trade barriers embedded in Japan and Korea. A comparative study of institutional arrangements and the automobile industry reveals that there have been visible and invisibl…
This study examines how campaign events influence regional voters’ candidate preferences during South Korean presidential campaigns. Results show that regional voters become more aware of regionalism through campaign events, and, thus, their voting intention becomes more homogeneous within the regions toward the end of the campaign.
In 2010, the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization agreement established a new Asian financial arrangement to help address potential currency or liquidity crises. This article analyzes the origins and basic features of the new arrangement, which reflect both progress and the continuing political challenges of building regional institutions in Asia.
ASEAN’s dialogue mechanism has been evolving from consensus-seeking to strategic means, to use the Habermas distinction. This consensus norm was maintained during the Cold War because of rapport among ASEAN leaders and the presence of an external threat. However, ASEAN expansion to 10 countries, the emergence of non-traditional threats to security, and democratization have weakened this norm.
This article explains distinctive patterns of Islamist mobilization in Indonesia by focusing on the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). It argues that the relatively solid party-mass relations and broad spatial penetration of PKS are conditioned by its organizational ability to deliver welfare services to strategically targeted constituencies to help construct a community base.
Following the return of Hong Kong to Chinese jurisdiction in 1997, there has been concern about the potential marginalization of Hong Kong within China's development. We argue that far from being marginalized, Hong Kong together with the Pearl River Delta is becoming the most dynamic region within China.
Cross-boundary collaboration in environmental protection between Hong Kong and mainland China from the mid-1980s to the transfer of sovereignty in 1997, and during the post-reunification years, is examined. Emphasis is put on the respective roles of governments, the private sector, and non-governmental organization initiatives focused on air quality management, a key to public health.
The importance of Hong Kong's role as fnancier, coach, and physical gateway in the development of container ports and highways in China is diminishing. However, the development of the global supply chain transcends physical boundaries: Hong Kong adapts continuously, and is now taking on bridging and differentiating roles in third-party logistics services.
Social, political, and economic changes in post-industrial Hong Kong brought a less instrumental view of democracy, more skepticism against the neoliberal regime, and more support for post-materialist values. The changing values make the old legitimacy formula obsolete, creating a legitimacy crisis for the undemocratic, business-dominated, and low-interventionist government.
This paper explores how Hong Kong has influenced Chinese politics and governance in the constitutional, political, ideational, and intergovernmental dimensions since 1997. Despite the growing political and economic impact of the Mainland on the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the latter has continued to influence the Mainland, especially southern China.