Between 2005 and 2010, despite some ‘random shocks’ caused by the emergence of new party leaders, the trends in party support suggested a return to the traditional inter-election cycle. During the election campaign, however, there were dramatic changes as the popularity of Liberal Democrat leader, Nick Clegg, increased sharply. In terms of votes, the Conservatives emerged as the largest party b…
The 2010 general election result was so finely balanced that only a combination of the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats together could command a workable majority in the House of Commons. However, this combination meant that the Liberal Democrats had to abandon their centre-left positioning and, accepting the arithmetic conclusion of the election, help form a centre-right administration. Thi…
Single-member plurality is often thought to facilitate a two-party system of alternating single-party majority government. However, no party secured an overall majority in the 2010 UK election, which was followed by the formation of the first peacetime coalition government since the 1930s. This article assesses whether this outcome was a one-off occurrence or was symptomatic of longer term chan…
Labour won three general elections and governed for 13 years between 1997 and 2010, the longest period of government in its history. How far Labour succeeded in changing British politics permanently in this period has been much debated. Different approaches to this question are considered, as well as different contexts that are useful in forming an assessment. The impact of new Labour on electo…
Labour's failure to secure re-election hardly came as a surprise given its performance in government and at the polls since 2005. It was moreover the third election a row that the party had lost votes from across the social spectrum. However, despite a flawed leader and a difficult economic context, the party nearly secured enough seats to provide the basis for a coalition with the Liberal Demo…
Under David Cameron the Conservative party recovered sufficiently to deliver a Conservative Prime Minister. Cameron achieved what three leaders before him did not: a consistent poll lead over Labour and a broadening of the Conservative message. This chapter also highlights two major limitations to the Conservative ‘recovery’; (i) the size of the Conservative base has not enlarged: roughly the s…
This contribution examines the Liberal Democrat campaign and their subsequent performance in the 2010 General Election. Despite what appeared to be a ground-breaking campaign, the Liberal Democrat performance in the 2010 election was—as Clegg acknowledged—disappointing for the party. Here we argue that the story of the 2010 Liberal Democrat election was the remarkable similarity with 2005, with…
The result of the general election in Scotland was very different from the rest of the UK. No seats changed hands. Labour consolidated its position as the dominant party in Scotland. Cameron may have been able to detoxify the Conservatives’ image in England but failed to do the same in Scotland. The Liberal Democrats were the only major party in Scotland to see its vote share reduced. Neverthel…
Wales is distinctive in British general elections for its higher than average levels of support for the Labour Party. However, following evidence of Labour decline and public opposition after its unprecedented 13 years of office, there were questions over whether perceived Labour one-partyism in Wales would be finally superseded. In practice, although the election resulted in an increased fragm…
Northern Ireland's 2010 Westminster election saw the dramatic unseating of the First Minister, Peter Robinson, from his East Belfast seat by the cross-community Alliance Party. Beyond the headline scalp, the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Fein continued to dominate the Unionist and Nationalist electoral blocs, with Sinn Fein holding its five seats. This success raised the outside possibilit…
The UK general election of 2010 should have been a critical one for women. But it was not to be. Despite all of the main political parties claiming to want more women MPs the increase in their number relative to the 2005 Parliament was just 2.5%. Women remain under-represented numerically in the House of Commons, constituting less than one-quarter of all MPs. The election campaign was largely w…
Whereas the period under Tony Blair had seen Labour emerge as the richer of the two largest parties, the 2010 election was characterised by significant disparities in party wealth, with the Conservatives emerging as the strongest party by some margin. This had a significant bearing on how the campaigns were fought, with Labour needing to make decisions on how to campaign based principally on wh…
The 2010 election was one of the most competitive campaigns of recent decades. The first televised leaders' debates along with the rise of online social networking led to renewed speculation about the potential influence of the media in campaigns. By contrast the press appeared to revert to pre mid-1990s form with strong support for the Conservatives and personal attacks on their opponents. Thi…
Much of the 2010 election was fought around the issue of the recession and the public borrowing deficit. However, whilst economic policy was highly salient, there was little fundamental difference between the parties over what needed to be done. All three of the major parties accepted the need to cut the deficit through reducing public expenditure. What the response to the crisis did reveal was…
This article examines the main aspects of the UK's foreign and security policy across the 2005–2010 Parliament. It begins by discussing the highpoint of foreign policy during the period, and goes on to consider the evolution of the UK's foreign policy doctrine, looking in particular at whether Brown established a world view that was distinctive from his predecessor. The analysis then turns to t…
What impact did immigration and European integration have on the 2010 general election campaign and result? We explain why immigration was a salient campaign issue, while European integration barely figured. We show that the Conservatives learned to speak less about European integration and immigration as part of their re-evaluation of campaign strategy following three successive defeats. For d…
The authors study the conflict mediation problem, sometimes called “shuttle diplomacy,” when the mediator acts as a go-between and must gather information from the disputants. In the context of a general model of information mediation, they show that the incentive that disputants have to lie to the mediator undoes any advantage that might be gained by adding communication with a third party. In…
A flurry of recent studies indicates that candidates who simply look more capable or attractive are more likely to win elections. In this article, the authors investigate whether voters’ snap judgments of appearance travel across cultures and whether they influence elections in new democracies. They show unlabeled, black-and-white pictures of Mexican and Brazilian candidates’ faces to subjects …
This article contributes to the political economic literature regarding the effects of industrial relations institutions on national economic outcomes. Based on an econometric analysis of the determinants of wage moderation in sixteen industrialized countries between 1974 and 2000, it argues that the organizational characteristics of trade unions have a significant impact on wage dynamics. Cont…
Existing theories of change in campaign strategies predict cross-national convergence in candidates’ linkages to voters and the degree of policy focus and cleavage priming in their appeals. However, the prevailing national patterns of electioneering in Chile, Brazil, and Peru have actually diverged from one another since their transitions from authoritarian rule. Based upon content analysis of …